Civilization is far more complex that the story told in Genesis. There is much debate about the location of the Garden of Eden. It was believed that Paradise is located somewhere near Tigris and Euphrates River. Earlier reports suggest the Garden of Eden might have been located in Mongolia, India and Ethiopia. In all cases there was silence in regards to other cultures who flourished outside Eden, such as North American native tribes, various African and European tribes, Indian cultures, Asian, and others. Nor is there mention of the culture that existed east of Eden where Cain settled, married a foreign woman, and created his own family.
Data surviving from prehistory shows no evidence of the existence of Eden but relates to the quest for food and history of subsistence. As humans evolved they became skilled in hunting, fishing, and foraging. Isolated families living in remote places eventually became aware of other groups outside their own territory. In time, with the increase in population and travel,. neighbors joined together forming communities.
According to the Wolfson College Lectures 1978, The Origins of Civilization, in regards to hunting and socialization, he suggests that the hunting of large mammals depended on social as well as technological factors. It involved an organized system of co-operation among hunters who were exclusively men that involved travel of long duration. ( this might be due to locating and/or following migrating herds certain periods of the year). The women would remain behind guarding the home base, bringing up the young, foraging for plant food and small animals. The mothers would also initiate the young children in gathering food and other activities.
The earliest human economies are likely to have been based on a subdivision of functions between the men who concerned themselves with hunting, operating a distance from home, and the women who watched over the young, cooked, maintain the home surroundings, and engaged in foraging in the near neighbourhood. Hunting large animals probably involved active co-operation between the males. This was a social bond that held complete bands together, just as the division between hunting and foraging cemented individual family units."The system by which the earliest communities lived was thus based throughout on co-operation and sharing rather than struggle. Once communities were established, it was self-regulating. Which may explain why the earliest cultural patterns were slow to change.
Archaeological evidence recovered from a site dating back to 1 million years ago continued to reflect the importance of hunting and prowess of the men who pursued their prey. Some sites showed the use of fire for the first time. The evidence of fossil pollen pointing to forest clearance and the expansion of open vegetation in England, as well as the aborigines of Australia show the use of fire.
Findings from 35,000 years ago in Europe, south Russia, north Africa, and Asia, show the practice of careful burial and a personal awareness of death. There was also expansion of the geographical territories. New lands were colonized in northern Europe, Far East and south-east Asia. The Japanese islands were occupied, and the Yukon on the Asian side of North American glacier zone was already occupied. Slowly but surely there emerged a new economy that changed the face of hunting and gathering. The new economy and its' complexity consisted of new words; crop, harvest, and husbandry.
Sunday, February 16, 2014
Thursday, February 13, 2014
Modesty, not nudity,responsible for sexual inappropriateness
In order to understand why modesty might be a contributing factor to unwanted sexual acts, we may find the answer in some earlier sex research papers. Most of us think we have a reasonably clear insight into the sexual behaviour of those we love, and some notion of the sexuality of our friends and neighbors. From this assumption we formulate an opinion of what is normal and what is abnormal.
One of the first and most influential sexologists to investigate this egocentric perspective was Henry Havelock Ellis (1859 - 1939). He contributed more than any other individual to the overthrow of old ideas in the study of human sexuality, and he presented concepts of individual and cultural relativism which underlie almost all significant sex research today.
Ellis devoted many decades of his life to mastering most of what had been learned about human sexuality since the days of the ancient Greeks. As a counselor and healer, he studied the sex lives of his contemporaries directly and recorded his findings in a series of volumes,Studies in the Psychology of Sex, which he published and periodically revised between 1896 and 1928. What he discovered was that: everybody is not like you, you loved ones, and your friends and neighbors.
Ellis was an English Victorian. He accordingly opened his essay on modesty with the generally accepted Victorian belief that virtue consists essentially in keeping the human body , and especially the human female body, adequately clothed. To illustrate this relationship between modesty and clothing, he recounted a visit paid by Jacques (Giacomo Girolamo) Casanova to the public baths near Berne, Switzerland, late in the nineteenth century.
According to the custom of the time and place, Ellis explained, Casanova at arriving at the baths selected a young girl of eighteen from the cluster of attendants awaiting patrons. She undressed him, undressed herself, entered the bath with him, and proceeded to massage him thoroughly all over, "in the most serious manner and without a word being spoken." When the message was completed , Casanova perceived that the girl expected him to make sexual advances. He felt-strangely enough for a world renowned womanizer - no desire to do so. This seducer of scores of women, now near the peak of his career as an international philanderer, felt embarrassed even to examine her nudity below the waist. "Though without gazing at the girl's figure," Casanova had written in his Memoirs, I had seen enough to recognize that she had all that a man can desire to find in a woman: a beautiful face, lively and well formed eyes, a beautiful mouth, with good teeth, a healthy complexion, well-developed breasts, and everything in harmony...Yet I remained extremely cold. What was the cause of this? That was the question that I asked myself."
Casanova thereupon ventured to answer his own question. Perhaps modesty in a woman was one of the factors arousing a man's sexual desire. Perhaps, lacking modesty, the Berne bath attendant lacked sexual appeal. But Ellis was not so sure. He went on to demonstrate, from a review of the literature of anthropology, that the relation of the clothing to modesty, and of modesty to sexual desire, is in fact, far more complex that Casanova had supposed. In Tierra del Fuego, South America, for example, women once wore only a minute triangle of animal skin suspended between their thighs; yet they were so modest, they never removed it. Even during sexual intercourse they merely raised it. Among natives of the Amazon Valley, the men went naked while the women wore a short skirt. Among another tribe in the area, the men always wore a loincloth while the women went naked. According to an article written in an 1892 issue of the American Journal Of Obstetrics, almost every woman in one tribe of North American Indians were sexually free, yet they were modest when one of them , near death during childbirth, refused to let any man attend her. At length consented to be examined by a physician only if her whole body was covered with only the vaginal opening remaining visible. Ellis also recorded another tribe in Africa where it was a punishable offense for a man to expose any part of his leg above the knee, "the wives of the King would attend his Court naked." One African tribe considered it shameful for a man to conceal his penis.According to E. Brecher (1969), in his book The Sex Researchers, when a British anthropologist remarked on the nudity of the women in the Congo, a chief replied that "concealment is food for the inquisitive." Another British anthropologist commented with respect to Central Africa: It has been my experience that the more naked the people, and the more to us obscene and shameless their manners and customs, the more moral and strict they are in the matter of sexual intercourse."
One of the first and most influential sexologists to investigate this egocentric perspective was Henry Havelock Ellis (1859 - 1939). He contributed more than any other individual to the overthrow of old ideas in the study of human sexuality, and he presented concepts of individual and cultural relativism which underlie almost all significant sex research today.
Ellis devoted many decades of his life to mastering most of what had been learned about human sexuality since the days of the ancient Greeks. As a counselor and healer, he studied the sex lives of his contemporaries directly and recorded his findings in a series of volumes,Studies in the Psychology of Sex, which he published and periodically revised between 1896 and 1928. What he discovered was that: everybody is not like you, you loved ones, and your friends and neighbors.
Ellis was an English Victorian. He accordingly opened his essay on modesty with the generally accepted Victorian belief that virtue consists essentially in keeping the human body , and especially the human female body, adequately clothed. To illustrate this relationship between modesty and clothing, he recounted a visit paid by Jacques (Giacomo Girolamo) Casanova to the public baths near Berne, Switzerland, late in the nineteenth century.
According to the custom of the time and place, Ellis explained, Casanova at arriving at the baths selected a young girl of eighteen from the cluster of attendants awaiting patrons. She undressed him, undressed herself, entered the bath with him, and proceeded to massage him thoroughly all over, "in the most serious manner and without a word being spoken." When the message was completed , Casanova perceived that the girl expected him to make sexual advances. He felt-strangely enough for a world renowned womanizer - no desire to do so. This seducer of scores of women, now near the peak of his career as an international philanderer, felt embarrassed even to examine her nudity below the waist. "Though without gazing at the girl's figure," Casanova had written in his Memoirs, I had seen enough to recognize that she had all that a man can desire to find in a woman: a beautiful face, lively and well formed eyes, a beautiful mouth, with good teeth, a healthy complexion, well-developed breasts, and everything in harmony...Yet I remained extremely cold. What was the cause of this? That was the question that I asked myself."
Casanova thereupon ventured to answer his own question. Perhaps modesty in a woman was one of the factors arousing a man's sexual desire. Perhaps, lacking modesty, the Berne bath attendant lacked sexual appeal. But Ellis was not so sure. He went on to demonstrate, from a review of the literature of anthropology, that the relation of the clothing to modesty, and of modesty to sexual desire, is in fact, far more complex that Casanova had supposed. In Tierra del Fuego, South America, for example, women once wore only a minute triangle of animal skin suspended between their thighs; yet they were so modest, they never removed it. Even during sexual intercourse they merely raised it. Among natives of the Amazon Valley, the men went naked while the women wore a short skirt. Among another tribe in the area, the men always wore a loincloth while the women went naked. According to an article written in an 1892 issue of the American Journal Of Obstetrics, almost every woman in one tribe of North American Indians were sexually free, yet they were modest when one of them , near death during childbirth, refused to let any man attend her. At length consented to be examined by a physician only if her whole body was covered with only the vaginal opening remaining visible. Ellis also recorded another tribe in Africa where it was a punishable offense for a man to expose any part of his leg above the knee, "the wives of the King would attend his Court naked." One African tribe considered it shameful for a man to conceal his penis.According to E. Brecher (1969), in his book The Sex Researchers, when a British anthropologist remarked on the nudity of the women in the Congo, a chief replied that "concealment is food for the inquisitive." Another British anthropologist commented with respect to Central Africa: It has been my experience that the more naked the people, and the more to us obscene and shameless their manners and customs, the more moral and strict they are in the matter of sexual intercourse."
Monday, February 10, 2014
Coercive sex (rape)
Rape
is an emotionally-laden subject surrounded by myths and misunderstandings.
While it is defined as a sexual act, it is primarily an expression of violence,
anger, or power. Its victims can be male or female, very young, very old, rich,
poor, mentally challenged, physically disabled, or able-bodied. Those who rape are also a diverse group that
defies classification.
The
word rape comes from a Latin term (rapere) that means to steal, seize, or
carry away. In ancient times, rape was one way to procure a wife: a man simply
overpowered a desirable woman and then brought her into his tribe. The man then
had to protect his property and his honor by preventing others from seizing or
raping his wife. This appears to have provided the origins for the first laws
against rape in which rape was viewed as crime against property or honour but
not against women.
According
to the Code of Hammurabi, a set of laws established in Babylonia about 4000
years ago, a man who raped a betrothed virgin was to be put to death. If a man
raped a married woman, both the rapist and his victim were regarded as guilty
and were executed by drowning. A similar distinction with a slightly different
twist was found in biblical injunctions about rape (Deuteronomy 22:22-28): A
married woman who was raped was seen as a willing accomplice, so she and her
rapist were killed; a virgin was considered guilty only if she was raped in the
city, since it was assumed that her screams would have led to her rescue. In
contrast, a virgin who was raped in a field outside the city walls was spared,
since no one could hear her screaming. If she was betrothed to someone, her
rapist was stoned to death – if not, he had to marry her (whether or not she
liked this arrangement didn’t seem to matter).
Later
laws against rape continued to specify varying circumstances by which rape was
judged as more or less serious. Penalties were higher if the woman was a virgin
or high social class. Under William the Conqueror (1035-1087), a man who raped
a virgin of high social standing was punished by castration and blinding. Guilt,
however, was determined by trial by combat, or unless the victim had a champion
willing to risk his life by fighting the accused rapist, she had no way of
establishing her case.
By
the twelfth century, jury trails replaced combat, as a means of determining
guilt or innocence. Yet all were not
equal in the eyes of the law: A nobleman or knight could easily blame a rape he
committed on one of his men and save his vision and chances for fatherhood. At
the end of thirteenth century, two additional changes appeared in English Law
concerning rape: the distinction between raping a virgin or a married woman was
dropped, and the old custom of penitence through marriage was permanently
banned.
Despite
the legal system, rape has not always been regarded as bad. In wartime, from thousands
of years ago until today, victorious soldiers have raped enemy- women. In
literature, rape has sometimes been presented in heroic terms, as Ayn Rand did
in The Fountain Head. In society,
rape has often been practically defined in terms of the social positions of
victim and victimizer: In the 1940s and 1950s for example, a white male was
rarely charged with raping a black woman in the south, but a black man charged
with raping a white woman was dealt with swiftly and harshly. Even today, in
most jurisdictions, a man is unlikely to be charged with raping a prostitute,
and forced intercourse between husband and wife does not “count” as rape in
many countries. The last few decades saw
a great increase in public awareness of rape. The women’s movement played a
major role in this process, raising issues and demanding improvements in
services to rape victims.
Forcible
rape is far and away the most common form of rape but, there are also several
subcategories of forcible rape that can be distinguished, although most of
these are not legally defined terms. The
solo rape is carried out by one man
acting alone and often occurs in forcible date
rape and mate rate. Gang rape is a terrifying form of rape
involving two or a group of men, sometimes with a female accomplice, who take
turns raping the victim. A rear form of gang rape involves several women raping
a man. A more common version of gang rape is a group of men who rape another
man rectally. The rape of men by men is infrequent among gay men and usually
involves heterosexual men in prison. There are also women who rape men although it
is less reported.
Saturday, February 8, 2014
Secularism and the nature of religion
The Nature of religion
One way to approach the question about religion is to observe the
words we use in our talk about the subject. People seem to have an idea about
the meaning of 'religion'. Some derive it from historical concepts and others
share religious characteristics that are agreed upon as religion. Still others
define the idea of religion by contrasting it with what it does not include. In
short, we need to consider all the different approaches to religion in order to
understand its' nature.
Western Religion
The Euro-American West created the term
"religion" with reference to Christianity. During the European Middle
Ages, the word religio in Latin and its derivatives in the
other languages in Christian Europe had a meaning of piety; or the faith and
action resting on a practicing member of the community. 'A religious' continues
to mean a member of a religious order.
Early Christians were aware of their rivals and major challengers.
They were the Jews and Muslims to the south and east of Europe. In the
classical Mediterranean and in pre-Christian northern Europe it was the pagans.
The term 'religions' were not used for these other traditions until after the
fifteenth century.
From the 1490s onward, ideas were enlarged through voyages of
discovery and trade. With the invention of the printing press numerous books
catalogued the ceremonies and customs of Asia and the Western hemisphere. The
teachings of China and India were described as models of political and
metaphysical wisdom, with an eye to reforming this or that position in
Europe.
When
the Christian world of the West viewed other traditions, it sought to define
them in terms of its own preferences on what it described. The desire was to
pin things down as affirmations of belief. One identified oneself as a
Christian by declaring such-and-such about God, Jesus, or the world. So the
Christian observer expected the adherent of another tradition to have a
corresponding set of beliefs. The Christian self-understanding imposed three of
its own predilections on what it described.
Some
of Asia’s great traditions, such as Buddhism, present substantial
sophisticated, and challenging doctrines, but in the case of Shinto, for
instance, statements of doctrine are difficult to find.
The first
Christian predilection is to expect
every religion to have a systematic doctrine. It excludes a vast important
range of humanity’s religious activity.
A
second Christian predilection is to impose on all religion Christianity’s
institutional distinction between the sacred and the secular. Christianity started
with three centuries of minority status before receiving state patronage. As a
consequence they became accustomed to the idea that some things belong to
God and other things to Caesar. One of
the chief characteristics of modern times in the Euro-American West is the
secular lifestyle that puts both intellectual and institutional limit on the
range allocated to religion.
This
however, is not helpful for understanding classical Islam. Islam did not have
the Christianity developmental stage which took over 300 years of experience as
a minority. Islam was launched in Arabia as a total value system for society,
including its laws and commerce and warfare.
With Islam virtually any aspect of culture and civilization is relevant
to religion.
Chinese
thought dates back more than 2,500 years. The principal contribution of
Confucius and his early successors was a humane social ethic what we might
consider moral philosophy. Confucius made rhetorical references to Heaven but
was agnostic about much of traditional religion and ritual in his day.
Confucius
is closely parallel to the Greek philosopher Socrates. The tradition stemming
from Confucius teachings became religious in the course of later centuries,
when Neo-Confucians cultivated an inner personal spirituality and speculated on
the ultimate nature of things.
A
third Christian expectation concerning ‘religion’ is the notion of exclusive
membership. That God should demand loyalty and tolerate no rivals is part of
the faith of Judaism and was passed on to Christianity and Islam. Each of these
three expectations has tried hard to separate the boundaries of its
communities. The notion that if you follow one tradition, you cannot follow
another is not always applied across southern and eastern Asia. For example,
the early Sikhs were disciples of a teacher who saw God as transcending all
forms, including the boundaries of human communities of worshippers. Sikhism
was founded during the 15th century by Guru Nanak and continued to progress
through the ten successive Sikh gurus.
Three centuries after the 1490s the classification
of religions remained fourfold in Christianity, Judaism, Islam and paganism.
Over time , the category of ‘pagan’ expanded as new discovers in Asia, Africa,
and the Americas were added to the literary record of the ancient Mediterranean
world and folklore of pre-Christian Europe. By the same token, the initial
descriptions, which were limited to rituals and ceremonies, expanded to include
philosophically sophisticated doctrines which are included in some texts of
Asian languages.
The category of ‘pagan’ was stretched to the extreme
because of the increase of information about doctrines and other textual
sources that precipitated the drawing of a new religious picture. One of the
first books written in English devoted a chapter each of a half dozen major
traditions that was written in 1846 by a Anglican theological scholar, Frederick
Denison Maurice (1805 -72).
In
the 1800s, the idea of the ‘great’ or ‘living’ or ‘world’ religions was
launched; an idea that has continued to the present. The consensus has centered
on a set of traditions that have been historically influential and that are
still alive today. These are the three great missionary religions of Buddhism,
Christianity, and Islam. It has often included the national religious heritages
of Israel (Judaism), Iran before Islam (Zoroastrianism), India (Hinduism), and
Japan (Shinto). It can also include two distinct communities in India (the Sikhs
and the Jains) and two distinct teachings in China (the Confucian and the
Taoist).
There
are three kinds of omitted traditions. One type is the religious life of tribal
populations. It is fragmented and diverse, and its traditions are oral rather
than textual. A second type includes the traditions that, no matter how
sophisticated their doctrine or rich their mythology have died out. These
include Manichaeism, the religions of ancient Greece and Rome, Mesopotamia, and
Egypt, Mexico and Peru. The third type includes recent developments such as new
emerging religions in Japan, introduction of Scientology, and the Baha’I faith.
Religion
cannot be defined per se because each nation has their individual values and
beliefs. They create their own doctrines and belief systems based on ideology
and cultural myth.
Sunday, February 2, 2014
How do you define sexuality?
There
is no simple answer to the question of sexuality. Generally, the word sexuality has a broad meaning since it
refers to all aspects of being sexual. It means a dimension of personality instead
of referring to a person’s capacity for erotic response alone.
Our
language for talking about sex and sexuality is limited. We may distinguish
between sex acts (such as masturbation, kissing, and sexual intercourse) and
sexual behavior (which includes not only specific sex acts but being
flirtatious, dressing in certain ways, reading and watching pornographic material)
without having scratched the surface of understanding sexuality. We may
describe different types of sex as procreative
(for having children), recreational (for
having fun, with no other goal), or relational
(for sharing with a cared-for person) and find our categories are still too
few.
Research
shows there are five dimensions to human sexuality; Biological, psychosocial,
behavioural, clinical, and cultural.
Biological
Dimension
Biological
factors largely control sexual development from conception until birth and our
ability to reproduce after puberty. The biological side of sexuality also
affects our sexual desire, our sexual functioning, and (indirectly) our sexual
satisfaction. Biological factors are also thought to influence certain sex
differences in behavior, such as the tendency of males to act more aggressively
than females. Biological forces are also responsible for sexual turn-ons, no
matter what their source, produce specific biological events: the pulse
quickens, the sexual organs respond, and sensations of warmth or tingling
spread through our bodies.
Psychosocial
Dimension
The
psychosocial side of sexuality is important because it sheds light not only on
many sexual problems but also how we develop as sexual beings. From infancy, a
person’s gender identity (the
personal sense of feeling male or female) is primarily shaped by psychosocial
forces. Our early sexual attitudes –which often stay with us into adulthood-are
based largely on what parents, peers, and teachers tell us or show us about the
meanings and purposes of sex. Our sexuality is also social in that it is
regulated by society through laws, taboos, family, and peer group pressures
that seek to persuade us to follow certain paths of sexual behavior.
Behavioural
Dimension
The
behavioural perspective of sexual behavior allows us to learn not only what
people do but to understand more about how
and why they do it.
In
discussing this topic, it’s important to avoid judging other peoples’ sexual
behavior by our own values and experiences. Too often people have a tendency to
think about sexuality in terms of “normal” versus “abnormal.” “Normal” is frequently defined as what we
ourselves do and feel comfortable about, while the “abnormal” is what others do
that seems different or odd to us. Trying to decide what is normal for others
is not only a thankless task but one ordinarily doomed to failure because our
objectivity is clouded by our values and experiences.
Clinical
Dimension
Although
sex is a natural function, many types of obstacles can lessen the pleasure or
spontaneity of our sexual encounters. Physical problems such as illness,
injury, or drugs can alter our sexual response patterns or knock them out
completely. Feelings such as anxiety, guilt, embarrassment, or depression, and conflicts
in our personal relationships can also hamper our sexuality. The clinical perspective of sexuality
examines the solutions to these and other problems that prevent people from
reaching a state of sexual health and happiness.
Two
key changes have contributed to better understanding the multidimensional
nature of sexuality; the training of professionals in developing knowledge of
the multidimensional approach, and the development of a new discipline called
sexology.
Cultural
Dimension
Sexual
topics are often controversial and value-laden, but the controversy is often
relative to time, place and circumstance. What is labeled as “moral” or “right”
varies from culture to culture, from century to century. Many of the moral
issues pertaining to sex relate to
certain religious traditions, but religion has no monopoly on morality. People
who have no closely held religious creed are just as likely to be moral as
those whose values are tied to a religious position. There is no comprehensive sexual value system that is right for
everyone and no single moral code that is indisputably correct and universally
applicable.
It
is a mistake to think that cultural viewpoints are ever frozen in place.
Currently, there is some evidence that alarm over increasing rates of sexually
transmitted diseases coupled with a growing trend toward political and
religious conservatism, and celibacy may cause a shift away from the sexual
permissiveness that prevailed in the 60s and 70s which also influenced modern
attitudes to a degree. Many observers now believe that the so-called sexual
revolution is over with a new era dawning that will emphasize commitment and
fidelity in intimate relations instead of experimentation, instant
gratification, and sexual variety. But
cultural trends are notoriously changeable, so there is no certainty how this
new direction will evolve.
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